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Duke   University   Libraries 

The  address  / 
Conf  Pam  12mo  #850 

DTTOlfiSDDli) 


[Ordered  1U,00U  eopu'S  for  the  Convention. 

THE  ADDRESS. 

Presented  by  Judgp:  ^isbet,  Chairmuu  of  tl]e  Committee 
of  17  appointed  to  draft  Ordinance  of  Secession. 

The  people  of  Georgia  having  dissolved  their  political 
connection  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  present  to  their  confederates,  and  the  world,  the 
causes  which  have  led  to  the  separation.  For  the  last  ten  years 
we  have  had  numerous  and  serious  causes  of  complaint 
aiiainsr  our  non-slavi'holding  confederate  States,  with  refer- 
ence to  the  subject  of  African  slavery.  They  have  endeav- 
ored to  weaken  our  security,  to  disturb  our  domestic  peace 
and  tranquility,  and  persistently  refused  to  comply  with  their 
express  constitutional  obligations  tons  in  reference  to  that 
property,  and  by  the  use  of  their  power  in  the  Federal 
Government,  have  striven  to  deprive  us  of  an  equal  enjoy- 
ment of  the  connnon  Territories  of  the  Kepublic.  This  hos- 
tile policy  of  our  confederates  has  been  pursued  with  every 
circumstance  of  aggravation  which  could  arouse  the  pas- 
sions and  excite  the  hatred  of  our  people,  and  has  placed  the 
two  sections  of  the  Union,  for  many  years  past,  in  the  con- 
dition of  virtual  civil  war.  Our  people,  still  attached  to  the 
Union,  from  habit  and  National  traditions,  and  averse  to 
change,  hoped  that  time,  reason  and  argument,  would  bring, 
if  not  redress,  at  least  exemption  from  farther  insults,  inju- 
ries and  dangers.  Kecent  events  have  fully  dissipated  all 
such  iiopes,  and  demonstrated  the  necessity  of  separation. 
Our  Northern  confederates,  after  a  full  and  calm  hearing 
of  all  the  facts,  after  a  fair  warning  of  our  purpose  not 
to  submit  to  the  rule  of  the  authors  of  all  these  wrongs 
and  injuries,  have,  by  a  large  majority,  connnitted  the 
Government  of.the  United  States  into  their  hands.  The  peo- 
ple of  Georgia,  after  an  equally  full  and  fair  and  deliber- 
ate hearing  of  the  case,  have  declared  with  equal  firmness, 
that  the)''  shall  not  rule  over  them.  A  brief  history  of  the 
rise,  progrrss  and  policy  of  anti-slavery,  and  of  the  polit- 
ical organization  into  whose  hands  the  administration  of 
the  Federal  Government  has  been  committed,  will  fully  jus- 
tify the  pronounced  verdict  of  the  people  of  Georgia.  The 
party  of  Lincoln,  called  the  Republican  j^arty,  under  its 
present  name  and  organization  is  of  recent  origin.  It  is 
admitted  to  be  an  anti-slavery  party,  while  it  attracts  to 


itself  by  its  creed,  the  scattered  advocates  of  exploded  po- 
litical hferesies,  of  condemned  theories  in  political  economy, 
The  advocates  of  commercial  restrictions,  of  protection,  of 
special  privileges,  of  waste  and  corruption  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  Government ;  anti-slavery  is  its  mission  and  its 
])urpose  .     By  anti-slavery  it  is  made  a  power  in  the  State. 
The  question  of  slavery  was  the  great  difficulty  in  the  way 
of  the  formation  of  the  Constitution.     While  the  subordi- 
nation and  the  jiolitical  and  social  inequality  of  the  African 
race  were  fully  conceded  bv  all,  it  was  plainly  apparent 
that  slavery  would  soon  disappear  from  what  are  now  the  non- 
slaveholdiug  States  of  the  original  thirteen  ;  the  opposition 
to  slavery  was  then,   as  now,  general  in  those  States,   and 
the  Constitution  was  made  with  direct  reference  to  that  fact. 
But  a  distinct  abolition  party  was  not  formed  in  the  United 
States,  for  more  tlian  half  a  century  after  the  Government 
went  into  operation.     The  main  reason  was,  that  the  North, 
even  if  united,    could   not   control  both  branches   of  the 
Legislature  during  any  portion  of  that   time.     Therefore, 
such  an   organization  must  have  resulted,  either  in  utter 
failure,    or   in  the    total   overthrow   of   the  Government. 
The  material  prosperity  of  the  Korth  was  greatly  depen- 
dent on  the  Federal  Government;  that  of  the  South  not  at 
all.     In  the  first  years  of  the  Republic,  the  navigating,  com- 
mercial and  manufacturing  interests  of  the  North,  began  to 
seek  profit  and  aggrandizement  at  the  expense  of  the  agri- 
cultural interests.      Even  the  owners   of  fishing   smacks, 
sought  and  obtained  bounties  for  pursuing  their  own  busi- 
ness, which  yet    continue — and  half  a   million  of  dollars 
are  now  paid  them  annually  out  of  the  Treasury.     The  nav- 
igating interests  begged  for  protection  against  foreign  ship 
builders,  and  against  competition  in  the    coasting  trade; 
Congress  granted  both  requests,  and  by  prohibitoiy  acts, 
gave    an   absolute  monopoly    of  tliis   business  to   each  of 
their  interests,    wdiich  they  enjoy  without  diniinution  to 
this  day.     Not  content  with  these  great  and  unjust  advan- 
tages, they  have  sought  to  throw  the  legitimate  burthens 
of    their  business  as   much  as  possible  upon  the  public; 
they  have  succeeded  in  throwing  the  cost  of  ligiit-houses, 
buoys,  and  the  maintenance    ol    their  seamen,    upon  the 
Treasury,  and  the  Government  now  pays  above  two  millions 
annually  for  the  support  of  these  objects.  These  interests  in 
connection  with  the  commercial  and  manufacturing  classes, 
have  also  succeeded,  by  means  of  subventions  to  mail  steam- 
ers, and  the  reduction  of  postage,  in  relieving  their  busi- 
ness from  the   payment  of  about  seven   millions  of  dollars 
annually,  throwing  it  upon  the  public  Treasury,  under  the 
name  of  postal   deficiency.      The    manufacturing  interest 
entered  into  the   same   struggle  early,   and  has   clamored 
steadily  for  Government  bounties  and  special  favors.     This 


'4 

interest  was  confined  mainly  to  the  Eastern  and  Middle  nou- 
slaveliolding  States.  Wielding  these  great  States,  it  held 
great  power  and  influence,  and  its  demands  were  iu  full 
proportion  to  its  power.  Tlie  mauutacturers  aud  miners 
iciselij  based  their  demands  upon  special  facts  aud  reasons, 
rather  than  upon  general  principles,  and  thereby  mollified 
much  of  the  opposition  of  the  opposing  interests.  Thev 
pleaded  in  their  favor,  the  infcincy  of  their  business  in  this 
country,  the  scarcity  of  labor  aud  capital,  the  hostile  legis- 
tion  of  other  countries  toward  them,  the  great  necessity  of 
their  fabrics  in  time  of  war,  and  the  necessity  of  high  duties 
to  pay  the  debt  incurred  in  our  war  for  independence;  these 
reasons  prevailed,  and  they  received  for  many  years  enorm- 
ous bounties  by  the  general  acquiescence  of  the  whole 
country. 

But  when  these  reasons  ceased  they  were  no  less  clamor- 
ous for  government  protection  ;  but  their  clamors  were  less 
heeded, — the  country  had  put  the  principle  of  protection 
upon  trial,  and  condemned  it.  After  having  enjoyed  pro- 
tectioli  to  the  extent  of  from  fifteen  to  two  hundred  per 
cent,  upon  their  entire  business,  for  above  thiity  years,  the 
Act  of  1S4:()  was  passed.  It  avoided  sudden  change,  bur 
the  principle  was  settled,  and  free-trade,  low  duties,  and 
economy  in  public  expenditures  was  the  verdict  of  the 
American  people.  The  South,  and  the  Northwestern  States 
sustained  this  policy.  There  was  but  small  hope  of  its  re- 
versal,— upon  the  direct  issue,  none  at  all.  All  these  classes 
saw  this,  and  felt  it,  and  cast  about  for  new  allies.  The 
anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  North  offered  the  best  chance 
for  success.  An  anti-slavery  party  must  necessarily  look  to 
the  North  alone  for  support ;  but  a  united  North  was  now 
stromr  enough  to  control  the  government  in  all  of  its  de- 
partments, and  a  sectional  })arty  was  therefore  determined 
upon.  Time,  and  issues  upon  slavery,  were  necessary  to 
its  completion  and  final  triumph.  The  feeling  ot  anti-sla- 
very, which  it  was  well  known  was  very  general  among 
the  people  of  the  North,  had  been  long  dormant  or  passive, 
— it  needed  only  a  question  to  arouse  it  into  aggressive  ac- 
tivity. This  question  was  before  us:  we  had  acquired  a 
large  territory  by  successful  war  with  Mexico;  Congress 
had  to  govern  it,  how — in  relation  to  slavery — w-as  the  ques- 
tion, then  demanding  solution.  This  state  of  facts  gave  form 
and  shape  to  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  throughout  the 
North,  aud  the  conflict  began.  Northern  anti-slavery  men 
of  all  panics  asserted  the  right  to  exclude  slavery  from  this 
territory  by  Congressional  legislation,  and  demanded  the 
prompt  and  efficient  exercise  of  this  power  to  that  end. 
This  insulting  and  unconstitutional  demand  was  met  with 
great  moderation  and  firmness  by  the  South.  We  had  shed 
our  blood  and  paid  our  money  for  its  acquisition;  we  de- 


manded  a  division  of  it,  on  tho  line  of  the  Missouri  restric- 
tion, or  an  equal  participation  in  the  whole  of  it.  These 
propositions  were  refused,  the  agitation  became  general, 
and  the  public  danger  great.  The  case  of  the  South  was 
impregnable.  The  price  of  the  acquisition  was  the  blood 
and  treasure  of  both  sections — of  all ;  and  therefore  it  be- 
longed to  all,  upon  the  principles  of  equity  and  justice. 
The  Constitution  delegated  no  power  to  Congress  to  exclude 
either  party  from  its  free  enjoyment;  therefore,  our  right 
was  good,  under  the  Constitution.  Our  rights  were  further 
fortified  by  the  •  practice  of  the  government  from  the 
beginning.  Slavery  was  forbidden  in  the  country  North- 
west of  the  Ohio  river,  by  what  is  called  the  Ordinance  of 
1787.  That  ordinance  was  adopted  under  the  old  confede- 
ration, and  by  the  assent  of  Virginia,  who  owned  and  ceded 
the  country;  and,  therefore,  this  case  must  stand  on  its  own 
special  circumstances.  The  government  of  the  United 
States  claimed  territory  by  virtue  of  the  treaty  of  17S3 
with  Great  Britain;  acquired  territory  by  cession  from 
Georgia  and  North  Carolina;  by  treaty  from  Franc>,  and 
by  treaty  from  Spain.  These  acquisitions  largely  exceeded 
the  original  limits  of  the  Republic.  In  all  of  these  acquisi- 
tions the  policy  of  the  government  was  uniform.  It  opened 
them  to  the  settlement  of  all  the  citizens  of  all  the  States 
of  the  Union.  They  emigrated  thither  with  their  property 
of  every  kind  (including  slaves), — all  were  equally  pro- 
tected by  public  authority  in  their  persons  and  property, 
iintil  the  inhabitants  became  sufficiently  numerous,  and 
otherwise  capable  of  bearing  the  burthens  and  performing 
the  duties  of  self-government,  when  they  were  admitted 
into  the  Union,  upon  equal  terms  with  the  other  States,  with 
whatever  republican  constitution  they  might  adopt  for 
themselves. 

Under  this  equally  just  and  beneficent  policy,  law  and 
order,  stability  and  progress,  peace  and  prosperity  marked 
every  step  of  the  progress  of  these  new  conmuinities,  until 
they  entered  as  great  and  prosperous  commonwealths  into 
the  sisterhood  of  American  States.  Tn  f  S:JO,  the  North  en- 
deavored to  overturn  this  wise  and  successful  policy,  and 
demanded  that  the  State  of  Missouri  should  not  be  admitted 
into  the  Union,  unless  she  first  prohibited  slavery  within 
her  limits,  by  her  Constitution.  Alter  a  bitter  and  pro- 
tracted struggle,  the  North  was  defeated  in  her  special  ob- 
ject; but  her  policy  and  position  led  to  the  adoption  of  a 
section  in  the  law,  for  the  admission  of  Missouri,. prohibit- 
ing slavery  in  all  that  portion  of  the  territory  acquired 
from  France,  lying  North  of  36  deg.  80  min.  North  latitude, 
and  outside  of  Missouri.  The  venerable  Madison,  at  the 
time  of  its  adoption,  declared  it  unconstitutional;  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson condemned   the  restriction,  and   foresaw  its  conse- 


quences,  and  predicted  that  it  would  result  in  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union.  His  prediction  is  now  history.  The 
North  demanded  the  application  of  the  principle  of  prohi- 
bition of  slavery  to  all  of  the  territory  acquired  from  Mex- 
ico, and  all  other  parts  of  the  public  domain,  then  and  in 
all  future  time.  It  was  the  announcement  of  her  purpose 
to  appropriate  to  herself  all  the  public  domain  then  owned 
and  thereafter  to  be  acquired  by  the  United  States.  The 
claim  itself  was  less  arrogant  and  insulting  than  the  reason 
with  which  she  supported  it.  That  reason  was  her  fixed 
purpose  to  limit,  restrain  and  finally  to  abolish  slavery  in 
the  States  where  it  exists.  The  South,  with  great  unani- 
mity, declared  her  purpose  to  resist  the  principle  of  prohi- 
bition to  the  last  extremity.  This  particidar  question,  in 
connection  with  a  series  of  questions  aflecting  the  same 
subject,  was  finally  disposed  of  by  the  defeat  of  prohibitory 
legislation. 

The  Presidential  election  of  1*^52,  resulted  in  the  total 
overthrow  of  the  adv'ocatcs  of  restriction  and  their  party 
frie^lds.  Immediately  fifter  this  result,  the  anti-slavery  por- 
tion of  the  defeated  paity,  resolved  to  unite  all  the  elements 
in  the  North,  opposed  to  shivery,  and  to  stake  their  future 
political  fortunes  upon  their  hostility  to  slavery  everywhere. 
This  is  the  party  to  whom  the  people  of  the  North  have 
committed  the  government.  They  raised  their  standard  in 
1850), and  were  barely  defeated;  they  entered  the  Presidential 
contest  again,  in  ISGO,  and  succeeded. 

The  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  territories, hostility  to  it 
everywhere,  the  equality  of  the  black  and  white  races,  dis- 
regard of  all  constitutional  guarrantees  in  its  favor,  were 
boldly  proclaimed  by  its  leaders,  and  applauded  by  its  fol- 
lowers. 

"With  these  principles  ou  their  banners  and  these  utter- 
ances on  their  lips,  the  majority  of  the  people  of  the  North 
demahd,  that  we  shall  receive  them  as  our  rulers. 

The  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  territories  is  the  cardi- 
nal principle  of  this  organization. 

For  forty  years  this  question  had  been  considered,  and  de- 
bated in  the  halls  of  Congress,  before  the  people,  by  the 
press,  and  before  the  tribunals  of  justice.  The  majority  of 
the  people  of  the  North  in  ISGO,  decided  it  in  their  own  fa- 
vor. We  refuse  To  submit  to  that  j\ulgment,  and  in  vindi- 
cation of  our  refusal,  we  olibr  the  constitution  of  our  coun- 
try, and  point  to  the  total  absence  of  any  express  power  to 
exclude  us;  we  oiler  the  practice  of  our  government,  "for  the 
first  thirty  years  of  its  existence,  in  complete  refutation  of 
the  position  that  any  such  power  is  either  necessary  or  prop- 
er to  the  execution  of  any  other  power  in  relation  to  the 
territories.  "We  ofter  the  judgment  of  a  large  minority  of 
the  people  of  the  North,  amounting  to  more  than  one-third 


6 

who  uuited  with  the  imai)iinous  voice  of  the  South  against 
this  usurpation  ;  and  finally,  wo  offer  the  judgment  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  the  highest  judicial 
tribunal  of  our  country  in  our  favor.  This  evidence  ought 
to  be  conclusive,  that  we  have  never  surrendered  this  right ; 
the  conduct  of  our  adversaries  admonishes  us  that  if  we 
had  surrendered  it,  it  is  time  to  resume  it. 

The  faithless  conduct  of  our  adversaries,  is  not  confined 
to  such  acts  as  might  aggrandize  themselves  or  their  sec- 
tion of  the  Union  ;  they  are  content,  if  they  can  only  injure 
us.  The  constitution  declares,  that  persons  charged  with 
crimes  in  one  State  and  fleeing  to  another,  shall  be  deliver- 
ed np  on  the  demand  of  the  Executive  authority  of  the  State 
from  which  they  may  flee,  to  be  tried  in  the  jurisdiction 
where  the  crime  was  committed.  It  would  appear  diflicult 
to  employ  language  freer  from  ambiguity  ;  yet,  for  above 
twenty  j'^ears,  the  non-slaveholding  State,  generally,  have 
wholly  refused  to  deliver  up  to  us  persons  charged  with 
crimes  attecting  slave  prooerty  ;  our  confederates,  with  pu- 
nic  faith,  shield  and  give  sanctuary  to  all  criminals,  Vho 
seek  to  deprive  us  of  this  property,  or  who  use  it  to  destroy 
us.  This  clause  of  the  constitution  has  no  other  sanction 
than  their  good  faith;  that  is  withheld  from  us  ;  we  are 
remediless  in  the  Union ;  out  of  it,  we  are  remitted  to  the 
laws  of  nations. 

A  similar  provision  of  the  Constitution  requires  them  to 
surrender  fugitives  from  labor.  This  provision  and  the  one 
last  referred  to,  were  our  main  inducements  for  confederat- 
ing with  the  Northern  States  ;  without  them,  it  is  histori- 
cally true,  that  we  would  have  rejected  the  Constitution. 
In  the  fourth  year  of  the  Republic,  Congress  passed  a  law  to 
give  full  vigor  and  efficiency  to  this  important  provision, 
This  act  depended  to  a  considerable  degree  upon  the  local 
magistrates  of  the  several  States  for  its  efficiency  ;  the  non- 
slaveholding  States  generally  repealed  all  laws  intended  to 
aid  the  execution  of  that  act,  and  imposed  penalties  upon 
those  citizens  whose  loyalty  to  the  Constitution,  and  their 
oaths,  might  induce  them  to  discharge  their  duty.  Congress 
then  passed  the  act  of  1850,  providing  for  the  complete  ex- 
ecution of  this  duly  by  Federal  Oflicers.  This  law  which 
their  own  bad  faitli  rendered  absolutely  indispensable  lor 
the  protection  of  constitutional  rights,  was  instantly  met 
with  ferocious  rcvilings,  and  all  conceivable  modes  of  hos- 
tility. The  Supreme  Court  unanimously,  and  their  own 
local  Courts,  with  equal  unanimity,  (with  the  single  and 
temporary  exception  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Wisconsin,) 
sustained  its  constitutionality  in  all  of  its  provisions.  Yet 
it  stands  to-day  a  dead  letter,  for  all  practicable  purposes,  in 
every  non-slaveholding  State  in  the  Union.  We  have  their 
covenants,  we  have  their  oaths,  to  keep  and  observe  it,  but 


the  unfortunate  claimant,  even  accompanied  by  a  Federal 
Officer,  with  the  mandate  of  the  highest  judicial  authority 
in  bis  hands,  is  every  where  met,  with  fraud,  with  force, 
and  with  legislative  enactments,  to  elude,  to  resist 
and  defeat  him ;  claimants  are  murdered  with  impu- 
nity ;  Officers  of  the  law  are  beaten  by  frantic  mobs,  insti- 
gated by  inflammatory  appeals  from  persons,  holding  the  high- 
est public  employment  in  these  States,  and  supported  by 
legislation  in  conflict  with  the  clearest  provisions  of  the 
Constitution,  aud  eveu  tluMU'dinary  principles  of  humanity. 
In  several  of  our  confederate  .States,  a  citizen  can  not  travel 
the  high-way  with  his  servant,  who  may  voluntarily  ac- 
company him,  without  being  declared  by  law  a  felon,  and 
being  subjected  to  infamous  punishments.  It  is  difficult  to 
perceive  how  we  could  suifer  more  by  the  hostility,  than  by 
the  fraternity  ofsucli  brethren. 

The  public  law  of  civilized  nations  requires  every  State 
to  restrain  its  citizens  or  subjects  from  committiug  acts  in- 
jurious to  the  peace  and  safety  of  any  other  State,  and  from 
attempting  to  excite  insurrection,  or  to  lessen  the  security, 
or  ti^  disturb  the  tranquility  of  their  neighbors,  and  our  Con- 
stitution wisely  gives  Congress  the  power  to  punish  all  of- 
fences against  the  laws  of  nations. 

These  are  sound  and  just  principles  which  have  received 
the  approbation  of  just  men  in  all  countries,  and  all  centu- 
ries. But  they  are  wholly  disregarded  by  the  people  of  the 
Northern  States,  and  the  Federal  Government  is  impotent 
to  maintain  them.  For  tsventy  years  past,  the  Abolitionists 
and  their  allies  in  the  Northern  States,  have  been  engaged 
in  constant  efforts  to  subvert  our  institutions,  and  to  excite 
insurrection  and  servile  war  amongst  us.  They  have  sent 
emissaries  among  us,  for  the  accomplishment  of  these  pur- 
poses. Some  of  these  efforts  have  received  the  public  sanc- 
tion of  a  majority  of  the  leading  men  of  the  Republican 
party  in  the  National  Councils,  the  same  men  who  are  now 
proposed  as  our  rulers.  These  eflbrts  have  in  one  instance 
led  to  the  actual  invasion  of  one  of  the  slave-holding  States,^ 
and  those  of  the  nuirderer*  and  incendiaries,  who  escaped 
public  justice  by  flight,  have  found  fraternal  protection 
among  our  Northern  Confederates. 

These  are  are  the  men  who  say  the  Untcni  shall  he  'preserv- 
ed. 

Such  are  the  opinions  and  such  are  the  practices  of  the 
Republican  Party,  who  have  been  called  by  their  own  votes 
to  adminster  the  Federal  Government  under  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States;  we  know  their  treachery,  we  know 
the  shallow  pretences  under  which  they  daily  disregard  its 
plainest  obligations;  if  we  submit  to  them,  it  will  be  our 
fault  and  not  theirs.  The  people  of  Georgia  have  ever  been 
willing  to   stand  by  this  bargain,  this  contract;   they  have 


uever  sought  to  evade  aity  of  its  obligations;  the)'  have  nev- 
er hitherto  sought  to  establish  any  new  government,  the}' 
have  struggled  to  maintain  the  ancient  right  of  themselves 
and  the  human  race,  through  and  by  that  Constitution. 
But  they  know  the  vahie  of  parchment  rights,  in  treacher- 
ous hands,  and  therefore,  they  refuse  to  commit  their  own 
to  the  rulers  whom  tlie  North  offer  us.  Why  ?  Because 
by  their  declared  princii)les  and  policy,  they  have  outlawed 
three  thousand  millions  of  our  i)roperty  in  the  common  ter- 
ritories of  the  Union,  put  it  under  the  ban  of  tlie  Republic 
in  the  States  where  it  exists,  and  out  of  the  protection  of 
Federal  law  every  wiiere,  because  they  give  sanctiuiry  to 
thieves  and  incendiaries  who  assail  it  to  the  whole  extent  of 
their  power,  in  spite  of  their  most  solemn  obligations  and 
covenants,  because  their  avowed  purposes  is  to  subvert  our 
society,  and  subject  us,  not  only  to  the  loss  of  our  property 
but  the  destruction  of  ourselves,  our  wives  and  our  cliildrcn, 
and  the  desolation  of  our  homes,  our  alters,  and  our  firesides. 
To  avoid  these  evils,  we  resume  the  powers  which  our 
Fathers  delegated  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
and  henceforth  will  seek  new  safeguards  for  our  liberty, 
equality,  security  and  tranquilty. 


Hollinger  Corp. 
pH  8.5 


